|
Transparency
compromised: the unfortunate saga between the
Liberian Embassy in Washington and Liberia's Ministry
of Foreign Affairs.
BY JEREMIAH J.KRINGAR HARRIS,
FORMER ASSISTANT MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
On
the eve of the much anticipated elections of October
11, 2005, and in the wake of one of the most corrupt
governments in the history of our nation, Liberians
seem suddenly and overly obsessed with the idea
of transparency in Government. The euphoria with
which transparency is greeted seems understandable,
given the depths to which the credibility of the
nation has been taken by the moral bankruptcy
of the Government of Gyude Bryant and the Warlords.
Consequently, Liberia's international image has
been so tainted and smeared with credible allegations
of corruption that most sane Liberians are left
utterly flabbergasted.
The
Ministry of Foreign Affairs bears the ultimate
responsibility to present to the world a favorable
image of Liberia's people and it's Government.
In this regard, the Ministry has a tradition that
is as old as the nation. However, and not surprisingly
so, Foreign Minister Yaya Nimley and his coterie
of Aides from the Model Rebel Movement, seem not
up to this highly specialized task. Of course
I fully comprehend Yaya Nimley's dilemma, given
the glaring and blatant disparities between the
Ministry, the home of Liberia's disciplined and
conservative Diplomats, and Model, a Rebel Movement
adept at snuffing out the lives of innocent and
helpless civilians. The objectives and modus operandi
of these two Institutions, it is apparent, are
in diametric opposition to each other. Succinctly
put, you do not conduct diplomacy as if you were
strategizing to launch a guerilla attack on an
unsuspecting enemy. This is the problem. Meanwhile,
the image, reputation and credibility of the nation
have become involuntary victims.
Moreover,
Yaya Nimley's ability to repair the image and
credibility of the Government abroad is further
dampened by the unusually high incidence of questionable
developments with which the Ministry is itself
besmirched. Up to this point, the Minister has
yet to offer any credible explanation with respect
to the sale of buildings owned by our Embassies
in Lagos and London. Infact, these developments
were initially brought to the attention of the
public by the media long after they had transpired.
Yaya Nimley then offered an extraordinarily incoherent
and lame account which up to now has not been
credibly verified. It is my considered opinion
that the people of Liberia must be privy to this
information. Does not the Minister(Yaya Nimley)
believe that he owes the public a more transparent
explanation? Was the sale of these valuable properties
sanctioned at the highest levels of the Government?
How much were the buildings sold for and where
is the evidence that the amounts were deposited
with the Central Bank in keeping with law? Nimley
must realize that these are questions that will
not go away even after the election of a new Government.
In
2004, Charles Minor was appointed as Liberia's
Ambassador accredited to the Government of the
United States by Gyude Bryant, Chairman of the
National Transitional Government of Liberia. When
Minor assumed his duties following the presentation
of his credentials to President George Bush and
the subsequent accreditation appertaining, he
found the Embassy in absolute disarray. The staff
was completely demoralized, with salary arrears
of one year plus. Subsequent to the foregoing,
the income generating arm of the Embassy, the
Consular and Visa office was completely mismanaged
with a Consular Officer running amok.
The
new Ambassador did not need a microscope to ascertain
that something was amiss in the Consular and Visa
office which was being run by the First Secretary
and Consul, Mrs. Sataria Cooper-Morris. This office
was being run as a government within a government,
typical of how the Warlords in Monrovia were conducting
the affairs of their Ministries. Accountability
in the Consular and Visa office seemed to be by
fiat, with the record of consular and visa receipts
beclouded with deliberate inaccuracies and deception.
To the Ambassador, this was unacceptable, especially
so as he was aware that the rest of the Staff
were watching and waiting to see what formula
he would devise to rectify this obviously despicable
situation.
According
to very reliable sources, the Ambassador reacted
with deliberate dispatch. He ordered the Consular
and Visa office closed and its activities temporarily
suspended pending an audit of all financial activities
therein. In keeping with standard procedures within
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for problems of
this nature, Ambassador Minor duly advised the
Foreign Minister of alleged financial improprieties,
misappropriation and misapplication of funds collected.
The Ambassador wisely requested an audit of the
Consular and Visa office. As is the procedure
in the Missions of the Liberian Diplomatic Service,
the Ambassador also informed the Chairman of the
NTGL of the entire sequence of events surrounding
the improprieties that had unfolded within the
Consular and Visa office. Lest there be no misinterpretation,
I should note that, as the Official Representative
of the Head of State accredited to a government,
an Ambassador reserves the right to communicate
directly with the Head of State on matters concerning
the internal affairs at his Embassy and our relations
with the host country.
Following
a lengthy delay, and upon the directive of the
Chairman of the NTLG, a team of Auditors was dispatch
to Washington D.C. to conduct the Audit. The team
was headed by the Auditor General of Liberia,
and included the Deputy Auditor General and the
Inspector General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Harry Tah Freeman. However, no sooner had the
team arrived, and then problems began to emerge.
The Inspector General, Harry Tah Freeman, ordered
the Ambassador to immediately reopen the Consular
and Visa office. The Ambassador of course refused,
and rightfully so, because the Inspector General
had exceeded the scope of the legal assignation
of his nomenclature. According to the rules and
regulations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
the Inspector General, although ranked as an Ambassador,
is subordinate to any Ambassador who heads a Diplomatic
Mission and cannot arbitrarily order the closure
of any section of an Embassy in the absence of
a Directive from the Minister to the Ambassador.
However, the Head of State, if he so desires,
may overrule the Minister in the event of such
Directive. This is constitutional procedure at
its most simplistic level.
The
unfolding diplomatic dog fight led to the Ambassador
being recalled home by the Minister for consultations.
Again, the Ambassador did not budge. The Foreign
Minister should have understood by then that Governments,
as opposed to Rebel Movements, operate within
the strictures of Rules and Regulations. Does
it take a degree in Nuclear Physics for him to
comprehend that the Ambassador cannot be recalled
without the expressed directive of the Head of
Government? Has he read the Comprehensive Peace
Accord, and if so, is he aware of its implications?
Does he not comprehend that once the process of
disarmament was completed the extra-constitutional
powers of the Warring Factions became kaput? Can't
it be drilled into the mind of this man that he
now serves at the will and pleasure of the Chairman
and can now be summarily relieved of his duties?
Ignorance is a much more debilitating disease
than cancer.
Despite
monumental difficulties, the Audit was successfully
completed and endorsed by the Auditor General
and his Deputy. As expected, the Ambassador's
allegations of gross financial improprieties by
the First Secretary and Consul, Mrs. Sataria Cooper-Morris
were confirmed beyond all reasonable doubt. In
accordance with administrative procedures, the
Auditor General duly submitted his Report to the
Chairman, with copies being provided to the Foreign
Minister and the Ambassador respectively. The
Chairman reacted to the report by transferring
Mrs. Cooper-Morris to another section of the Embassy,
replacing her with the newly arrived Diplomatic
Officer, Mr. Nippy. All of this transpired in
April 2005.
Like
the sudden appearance of a tornado, about a week
ago, a report, distinct from the Official Audit,
was released to the media by the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, erroneously asserting the non-existence
of financial improprieties in the Consular and
Visa Office of the Embassy as alleged by the Ambassador
and accusing him of being the culprit in the misappropriation
of over $300,000. The report was signed by Harry
Tah Freeman and was a complete contradiction of
the Official Audit Report submitted by the team
headed by the Auditor General of which Mr. Tah
was a full fledged member. Mr. Tah Freeman, it
should be noted, is not an accountant which renders
him incapable of conducting an audit.
Naturally,
one is constrained to be nonplused and befuddled
beyond comprehension at factors that would motivate
such an asinine attempt to juggle the facts of
an Official Audit. The answer is not so difficult
that it would bog the mind down in deciphering
complex theories justifying the pathological nature
of such obvious prevarication. These people are
Warlords and, as such they are advocates of the
justice of the jungle; if events prevent you from
physically destroying your enemy, then semantics
must be the avenue of destruction. In short, if
you cannot kill your enemy, you tell a lie on
him that would be convincing enough to destroy
him. This, my fellow Liberians, is vintage African
Warlordism.
I
must conclude by suggesting to the Chairman that
he employs the full force of his executive powers
in dismissing the Foreign Minister, because, pettiness
does not the number one diplomat of a nation make.
Our nation has a rich history of diplomatic savvy.
Furthermore, I recommend the recall of Mrs. Cooper
Morris as her tarnished image suggests the end
of her usefulness on the diplomatic scene in Washington
D. C.
|