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Other
articles by James. W. Harris
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A chat with Ambassador Charles
A. Minor
Conducted by: James
W. Harris
INTRO: Since the present interim government of Liberia, the
so-called NTGL, led by the supposedly "neutral"
businessman, Charles Gyude Bryant, took over the reigns of
power in the now war-devastated country, there has been very
little that has been accomplished in terms of relieving the
already highly traumatized Liberian people [masses] of their
sufferings that they've endured for the past 15 years. Personally,
I did not support the conference that took place in Ghana
which give birth to this interim government, for the simple
reason, that the group that was assembled there really didn't
represent the interests of the Liberian people or the collapsed
Liberian State. Naturally, many Liberians did. Today, some
of the same-old people [Liberians] who blindly entrusted the
destiny of their war-wrecked country to the present group
of Liberians now running it, find themselves very, very disappointed
with the dismal performance of this government. It was on
this basis that I took upon myself to have a "little"
conversation with the current Liberian Ambassador to the US,
Charles A. Minor, to get his thoughts on the overall situation
there. The entire interview lasted for about thirty minutes.
Please enjoy it!
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CHARLES
A. MINOR, Liberias Ambassador to the US
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HARRIS:
First of all, Mr. Ambassador, I'd like to welcome you to the
Washington, DC, area.
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Thank you very much
I already feel at home
I have been here for just over nine months now, thank
you anyway.
HARRIS:
So, how have you found it so far in terms of your mission?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: It's a very challenging responsibility, Mr. Harris,
I have not been in the pure diplomatic field in the past
I
have worked in the Liberian Foreign Ministry long years ago
when it was [then] the State Department and then I've been
in economic development, business, academia, international
consulting, training and development, corporate governance
work
eh
but coming into this position, I can apply
practically most of what I've learned, but it also has some
major challenges but [I'm glad for] the opportunity primarily
to serve our country and people.
HARRIS:
In terms of challenges that you've just mentioned, what are
some of the challenges?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Well, I would say one of the first problems is
mere communication with Monrovia. You see, I represent the
Head of State, I represent our government and our people and
one has to be in constant contact with Monrovia to ensure
that what one does in such a post is up to date and it's relevant
to the state of affairs in the country at the very moment
.
and communicating with Monrovia is a huddle [right now] and
a very difficult problem to resolve. We do so [currently]
by telephone
we can do it by other means of communication
as far as we are told .so that's a problem. The other problem
is, of course, the lack of adequate resources - both human
resource and financial.
HARRIS:
Do you have any idea or can you put a figure on approximately
how many Liberians there are presently in the United States
and/or Canada?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: That's a very interesting question and, often,
you know, when you're having a question and answer section
and you say that's an interesting question, [it means that]
it's a question that you particularly don't like to answer
The fact is that we don't know precisely what the number is
[but]
there are estimates that range from the top 400,000 to about
a 150,000. [However] efforts are being made by one researcher
on the basis of the information available from the US Immigration
authorities and that's more relevant information and we're
talking in terms of a couple of a hundred thousand
so
I guess, the estimate of about a hundred and fifty thousand
is on the low side, aw
. I'd think that the figure somewhere
between 200,000 to 300,000 is accurate. But we tend to use
the figure of a hundred to a hundred and fifty thousands because,
you know, there may be people [Liberians] that have become
American citizens over the years
and so I guess, a hundred
and fifty thousand is really not a terribly bad figure to
work with
We're hoping, however, that we can improve
on those estimates. The embassy and consulate offices around
the United States are working together now to try and register
Liberians who are living in this country [the US] and get
them to participate in this data collection [effort].
HARRIS:
Do you have a time frame, Mr. Ambassador, when this program
[registration] will start?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: [As the matter of fact], the program has begun
already. We started this year and so, I guess, we'll see it
continue throughout the first half of this year probably and
we may be able to come up with some kind of figure. We'd probably
talk to some of those people involved with the research to
see if they can update their research and we have access [also]
to information from the immigration as well
and so that
should give us an indication of the number of those people
that are registered under the normal TPS (Temporary Protective
Status) program, people who've been here before, people who
came here under other climates or conditions. We're hoping
that somehow we can get a grip on what the numbers of Liberians
here are.
HARRIS:
Since your assumption of this position, what has been your
focus or goal?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: I have several goals. Last year, our primary objective
was to work and ensure that we had a successful donor's conference
and get the Liberian plan for implementing the Accra Peace
Accord effective on the table and supported
that was
our major pre-occupation. Secondly, we moved into ensuring
that donor's support was firm and committed and people were
to go along with the plan to ensure that peace [was] well
established and that we achieve the objectives of the Accra
Peace Accord. Today we're beginning now to look more at what
can be done really to jumpstart the economy through private
sector initiatives [in line with] the Liberian agenda
and
keeping the Liberian agenda up front and maintaining it on
the front burner and that will be a continuous effort
HARRIS:
Mr. Ambassador, does this interim government that you're serving
have any priorities?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Yes, it does. The government is clearly prioritizing
the full implementation of the Accra Peace Accord and that
Accord stipulates certain priorities
aw
ensuring
that our country remain peaceful, ensuring that the Transitional
Government remain in place, ensuring that disarmament is done
properly, and now the ex-combatants are [being] reintegrated
into [the] society, refugees can return to their homes and
villages, towns and cities in the country, the internally
displaced people can get back to their homes and that we can
have free and fair elections.
HARRIS:
Personally, Mr. Ambassador, I must tell you straight upfront
that I was not one of those supportive of this so-called Interim
Government or the CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement)
because in my opinion and I have written several articles
on this very issue in the immediate past, the group that was
assembled in Ghana frankly didn't represent the Liberian people
[masses], much more, their interests. In fact, most of the
people that were there, first of all, were not duly "elected"
by the Liberian people. Secondly, they were all major parties
to the brutal conflict in Liberia. Understandably, though,
the hope that many Liberians had at that time was that those
at the conference or whatever would've broken away from the
kind of problems that we've experienced in the past, for example,
corruption, financial mis-management, fiscal irresponsibility,
etc., and usher in a new chapter in our nation's history.
Unfortunately, as we sit here today, we see the government
- this interim government - facing the same-old problems as
in the past. What in your opinion could be responsible for
this?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Harris, I believe that one must look at this thing
with some objectivity and realism. You're right that we've
had several difficulties in the past and these problems have
carried us through internal civil crisis, civil wars and all
sorts of ways we've been trying to resolve our differences
by fighting each other, destroying our country
and that's
a fact. But if you were to return to the period we're talking
about, you've got to put yourself in the position to do something
for Liberia. I mean, there was bloodshed in the streets of
Monrovia, the destruction of properties, the people having
no food, the lack of basic amenities of life
I think
the most important responsibility Liberians had at that point
in time was to bring about peace
. that was the major
concern. Under those conditions, it was
.I don't know
if you could have organized a way in which the country could've
been more fully represented anywhere in the world or Liberia
itself
and for Liberians to decide who would be leaders,
etc., it was highly impracticable. Those Liberians who went
to Accra, went to represent various entities
and although
it's true that they were not the representative group or [were
they] elected from the 15 counties, but that was a group that
came from definitely all the factions that were fighting each
other and there was a large group of representatives from
the civil society, including, people from the [Liberian] Bar
Association, from women groups, from the political parties
now,
while I would accept that it was not a 100 percent representation
of the country or not even 50 percent representation of the
country, it was a representation and their responsibility
was to work towards bringing peace, stopping the bloodshed,
and so, the ceasefire was the first thing we had to accomplish
- to stop the shooting at each other. They accomplished that.
They were able to then put together a Transitional Government
and
the
question is, was the country fully represented? We had the
international community helping us and that was the best that
they could do under the circumstances
that's the best
that they could have come up with if we were to achieve peace
in the country
. First, we had to achieve stopping the
bloodshed, beginning a process of healing and then address
the issue of a fuller representative government put in place
democratically. And so, when you look at procedures and the
condition on the ground, we couldn't have had elections undoubtedly
so that was the best of the worst situation that we could've
achieved
. and one must give credit to those who were
in Accra through the negotiations. It was tedious
I
visited Accra at the time, though, not as a representative,
I knew what was happening.. I spoke to many Liberians
.it
was not very easy at all sometimes
. it was very difficult
I
mean, people spent long hours, the international community,
ECOWAS, the European Union (EU) and other countries were spending
a lot of time and they were really getting tired because Liberians
[there] couldn't come to an agreement. I recalled that for
the last few days and nights, the women from the refugee camps
were in black and white on the streets day in and day out
insisting that we reached an agreement
. and so, we had
to do something - something to save lives. And what we got
was the [direct] result of those efforts. That was the best
that we could do given the circumstances and I must commend
those who worked on the agreement, especially, the foreigners,
because they didn't have to do that
ECOWAS, the UN and
the international community really did do their best given
the circumstances.
HARRIS:
Isn't this then the more reason why we [Liberians] should
be abandoning practices of old? Normally, people always say
that they'll change things once they acquire power. As you
may know, the living standard of the Liberian people is still
well below the poverty line. I don't know if you've seen the
recent article by one Stephen Adams that was carried on TLCAfrica.com
and other media outlets recently [showing Ambassador Minor
a hardcopy of Adam's piece - "The Race to Mortgage our
Future: A Catastrophic Tragedy in the Making", and pointing
specifically to the still photos that accompanied the article].
Now, if we say that things are changing, then certainly, pictures
like these won't be coming out of Liberia to further damage
the country's already tarnished image
And then we keep
hearing about the appetite of Liberian public officials [Interim
Government officials] for luxurious items, like senselessly
expensive cars, elegant homes, etc., while the ordinary Liberians
are basically "striving" just o survive. Aren't
all Liberians supposed to be making the same kind of "equal"
sacrifices for their [now war-ruined] country? Don 't you
think that the country would be better off if our [so-called]
leaders were to abandon such expensive taste and use whatever
financial resources we can save to, say, improve the very
appalling and embarrassing sanitary condition in Monrovia?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Yes
I mean, the simple answer is yes. We should
be doing something about it
. our people are suffering
our
people need to have a far better standard of living than in
the past
.we are amongst the poorest in the world
.
we've got sanitation problem in the streets of Monrovia
the
sewer system needs to be repaired
. electricity is required
we need hospitals and schools reopened, etc
and
all these things are needed. But you do understand that these
things just don't come out of mere thin air
.we need
to work towards having them in place
we need to have
the means, the resources
we actually lack
yes there
are reports of luxurious cars being bought.
But many
of us don't buy that
we thought that other means of transportation
or less expensive vehicles should have been bought, but some
people are of the view that they have the right if they're
in service to their people to get the amenities of life and
they feel that the country could afford to buy them
[and
they did buy them]. Others may not agree with that, but what
profit do we get from saying that, alright, you're using the
money to buy [an expensive] car or a number of expansive cars
and yet you don't have money to repair the roads or streets
you
can't provide electricity...yes all those things are needed
to be done but if they hadn't even bought all those cars,
the resources still would've been insufficient to do all those
things
We really do need to set our priorities straight,
although we are doing it, but not as much as we'd want. We
are definitely concerned and committed to try to improve the
standard of living of our people. And we're doing this in
the representation that we make here and we're doing that
in the efforts that the government is making to get additional
support from our friends around the world. I think that there
are some successes on those scores
. but not as much
as we'd like to see
and I think that's a problem.
HARRIS:
In most cases, I think, Mr. Ambassador, it surely won't be
difficult for Liberia to get the kind of help that it needs
from the international community because I strongly believe
that Liberians presently residing abroad, who in fact are
very resourceful, would be more than happy to lend a helping
hand. But when we see this Interim Government willfully squandering
the little bit of resources that we're getting, it would obviously
be very difficult - even for the people with the best of intention
- not to hold back. So, I really don't see where we're even
attempting to put the little resources we're presently getting
to maximum use so that others would be encouraged to get on
board.
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Well, this is a very interesting point that you've
raised
aw
my answer to this is simple
. because
Liberian A may be doing something that is wrong don't mean
that we should all abandon Liberia. That's the more reason
why we should get involved and say, look, we also have a stake
in this country as anybody else and therefore, we would not
let you use Liberia's resources for this reason. Therefore,
we're coming in to help
we're willing to support [our
nation's] recovery
we're willing to help rebuild our
country, and therefore, we'd try to ensure that we'll work
with you provided you stop this and stop that
but if
we decided that those of us in this country should remain
here and don't get in to enable our country to see alternatives
then it wouldn't be fair. My encouragement is that we should
find ways in which to help in the recovery and one day go
back home to ensure that endemic corrupt practices of people
inside and outside of government stop. And you know this is
an issue that we need to address, but the way to address it
is not to stay outside and criticize
we've got to find
a way to get involved and bring to light people who have done
wrong things.
bring to light people who are corrupt
and prove it. [You see], Liberians have a way of sitting back
[without bringing forward evidence to convict wrong-doers]
we
have to "name" and "shame" them so that
others may fight corruption We need people who are willing
to do that. You see, we've seen in many instances, once you
get to the point of proving these allegations, then people
[normally] shy away. And that [also] becomes a problem.
HARRIS:
In regard to that, I've personally come across "credible"
reports that were carried by several reputable Liberian online
publications, including the Perspective, involving, for example,
the LBDI (the Liberian Bank for Development and Investment),
where documents were provided in some cases
and yet nothing
has been done
. there were other instances were commissions
were set up to look into certain allegations
. and still
we haven't heard anything from any of them
. I mean,
when there's poverty amidst plenty then something definitely
is wrong. And so you're telling me that unless we can pinpoint
something specifically, nothing would be done although in
some cases documentary evidence has already been provided?
How more specific can one get?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: I don't recall or do not know the specifics about
the LBDI thing although I've heard a lot of revelations as
well as some reports
But
you know, you work for
the Fourth Estate and you have the responsibility to keep
at this issue
eh
I'd like to see us continue to
persevere to say look
we've got to clean up all the dirt
in our country
we have to say look, those who are exploiting
our country must be brought to justice
. aw
and
you know
. that's an issue that is of major concern.
Some people feel that Liberians have a way of looking up to
their government for all support
My sense is that we
need to build up an independent group
aw
what you'd
call, a private sector middle-class group - the one group
that could put pressure
they can change government,
they can make sure that the right people are put in government
and not corrupt
and this is something that we're all
challenged to do.
This is something that we definitely
need to work on
corruption, of course, is not really
unique only to Liberia alone...it's all over the world, but
we must be committed and not corrupt ourselves and try to
expose people who are corrupt
but it's only by "naming"
and "shaming" them and bringing them to justice,
we'd be able to do this. Don't forget, though, that you're
talking about a system that needs complete [overhauling]
eh
.
from bottom up
because if you must take people to have
their day in court. then the Judiciary must be improved
our
judges must be well paid
lawyers must be well paid to
represent their clients, to represent the prosecution properly
But
under the condition that we're in where the standard is so
low
where the level of. remuneration is low, it would
be even more difficult to fight this kind of epidemic problem
that we have. And we all should resolve towards fighting it.
HARRIS:
In view of the fact that this Interim Government was not duly
elected by anyone - much less the Liberian people - what gives
it the authority to continue signing long-term Concession
Agreements on behalf of the Liberian people and State with
certain companies without the public having any idea what's
in said documents? Isn't this another bad practice of the
past? I think that you may have heard about the LAC incident
by now, where LAC insists on expanding its production at all
costs solely for its own gains under an agreement signed in
1959 even at the detriment of the ancestral people of Grand
Bassa County. As you also may know, the Bassa people are strongly
against this, especially at this particular time when our
country is just trying to recover. Don't you think it would
be wise to hold off on continuously signing long-term agreements
until a legitimate government comes to power, especially so,
when we [the Liberian people] don't even have a single clue
as to what's in those contracts?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: That's another very interesting point of view.
You see, if you studied the Accra Peace Accord, it [does]
make provision for several agencies of the interim government.
It's almost impossible to say that you're going to have an
interim government with a life span of let's say, two years,
that would do nothing to try to improve the standard of living
of our people. Let me just give you a few examples of some
issues
aw
you are aware that we've already disarmed
more than a hundred thousand combatants; the next task is
to reintegrate our people
. once they have jobs to do,
then they'll be able to generate some personal income with
which to support their families. But if you don't provide
them jobs, then there'll be nothing for them to do. For instance,
if the Firestone Agreement that has been outstanding for so
many years and we did nothing quickly so that Firestone could
get to work, enhance their productive capacity, hire more
people, etc. that would have been a problem. So, what do you
do - you either sit down and do nothing and wait for the two
years to end with people on the streets having no work to
do
or do something to help our people. I think that
the government had in place under the Accra Peace Accord several
commissions on concessions to look at agreements, review them
and enter into certain [contracts]
. sovereign people
at any point in time have the right to make the necessary
changes that they wish to make even if a new government comes
to power.
And so, I don't think that you expect this
interim government to just sit and do nothing
If they
don't have the revenue, then they can't hire people or improve
the well-being of the people until we can really get economic
activities started
. so I think that if you weigh the
pros and cons you can see that given the fact that they [the
interim government] are in power, they have a definite period
of time to ensure that the well-being of the Liberian people
is taken care of
. It would be wrong to say that okay
since you were not elected, you can't do anything
. you
should wait until an elected government comes to power before
jobs are provided. That's a major issue or question that's
debatable.
HARRIS: In regard to that, I see that you're still
referring to the CPA
and I've already told you from the
very beginning that I have a problem with it
. and I've
already written an article or two giving my views on those
talks
because, frankly, I don't think that the people
involved in that conference, who by and large are the same
ones who plunged our country into chaos in the first place,
represented the interests of our nation or its people. In
fact, the same group that put together the CPA also made provision
for the Contracts and Monopoly Commission of which Mr. Dusty
Wolokollie is a member. And sometime ago, I read a rather
long article that Dusty had written lamenting the fact that
they were being shut out completely from the contract process.
Again, this shows that this group [the present interim government]
just can't abide by anything - not even their own agreement
that they had signed "willingly" in Accra.
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: You know, eh, that's the kind of concern that worries
me. Aw
if a commission is authorized and its members
are appointed
the commission's responsibility is to ensure
that it does its work. If you appointed me as Ambassador here
it's
my personal responsibility to ensure that I run my office.
I think that part of the problem lie with those people that
are appointed to the positions. Many of them are not taking
their responsibilities seriously. Aw
I don't think then
that it's the fault of the government. I think that it's probably
the individual that's concerned that's needs to be brought
to book. I'd say, since it's your responsibility, I think
that you should implement it. And if you don't [perform],
then I think that we should change you. I haven't read Dusty's
article
I know Dusty and he's a very respectable person,
and so if he wrote an article on it then it must be partly
true and I think that should have brought people to their
senses. We need to do what we're here to do. Too many of our
people are appointed to positions that they don't have the
experience or capacity to carry out
and that's one of
our other problems. That's why I'd like to encourage Liberians
here {in the US] to go back home, most especially, with the
creation of a new government so that they can put in place
the people who have the experience, the capacity, know-how
and people who know what to do. We've got too many people
that lack the experience of what to do.
HARRIS:
Mr. Ambassador, I know that we have very little time left
and so I'd like to quickly ask you a few more questions, if
you don't mind. In that respect, one of the questions has
to do with the upcoming elections this October 11. As you
may know, the Chairlady of the NEC, Madam Frances Johnson-Morris,
said recently that Liberians living abroad, including, the
US, would not be allowed to participate in it. Notwithstanding,
we've seen a move towards "democracy" in recent
times, like, for example, the recent elections in Afghanistan
and Iraq, respectively, in which their nationals who were
based on foreign soils participated so that the process could
be more legitimate. And for it to have integrity. Don't you
think that the so-called NEC and our government should be
doing the same as opposed to preventing Liberians that are
currently living abroad from voting? What is your take on
this issue?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Let me tell you, Mr. Harris,
I do have great
sympathy for what you've expressed. I'm sitting here where
I've received a wide range of requests, recommendations and
letters of appeal from Liberians all over the country. I've
forwarded all of this to the National Elections Commission
already. There's a strong move to do everything possible to
enable Liberians abroad to cast their votes. But the Elections
Commission finds this proposition difficult because it's costly,
problematic, but [admittedly] the Liberians here [in the US]
have come up with all kinds of ingenious ways to make this
possible. They're willing to even register and pay the necessary
fees to augment the economic constraints on the part of the
government; there are also organizations in this country that
support the view and are willing to provide the mechanism
to help to do that. We will again make this known to the commission
and the government. We hope that a final decision has not
been made yet, because I would like to see that happen. But
in this day and age with all of these technologies - electronic
media, etc. it should be possible although it's a little bit
difficult at this very moment or they [the NEC] may not want
to pursue it. But let's see what'll happen.
HARRIS:
Do you think it'll be appropriate or fair then if Liberians
that are denied their right to vote in the forthcoming elections
didn't recognize any government coming out of the process
since they did not participate in it?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Well, let me correct you there. [As the matter
of fact], Liberians would be the ones to vote in the new government.
Now, we're talking about Liberians abroad.
that's an
issue that we're discussing right now, what would be the strategy,
what would be the means or possibility by which Liberians
who are living here can go home, register, and vote. There's
nothing stopping them once they meet the constitutional requirements.
And I hope many would do that. But the plea is that those
people who won't be able to go home and vote. In some cases,
we know of situations where nationals of a country would fly
in to vote on the same day of election; arrangements were
made to have them registered in advance or to have them registered
just before they voted. So, these are all different alternatives
that I'm sure the Elections Commission would [hopefully] be
reviewing. But those people who'd vote the new government
into power will be Liberians - at home. The question is how
about the number of Liberians out of Liberia? And that's the
issue that we're talking about.
HARRIS:
With all due respect, Mr. Ambassador, I probably don't think
that you understood my question. Again, the question is, if
we (Liberians living abroad, that is) are denied our right
to vote in the coming elections, especially so, when other
countries have made it possible for their citizens to vote
abroad recently, won't it be fair or don't you think that
it'd be proper for us not to recognize any government borne
out of a process that clearly discriminated against us, even
though, a majority of Liberians at home voted for it?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: I mean, nobody would stop you from voting if you
were at home during the elections. Aw
the fact that you're
abroad, makes it a completely different question. Now, if
you say that Liberians are having a democratic election and
we say that, for example, we have about three million people
in Liberia and of that number, a hundred and fifty thousands
are eligible to vote and if you even extended the number that
we have here [in the US] to two to three hundred thousands
and use the same assumption that fifty percent of them are
eligible to vote
. so, you're talking about two hundred
thousand versus one and a half million, so, I don't think
that the two hundred thousand have more rights - they do have
a right to vote, yes - they were not there to exercise their
right
although the opportunity to have their rights to
vote overseas were not given , they still have their right
to fly in or get to Liberia by some other means to cast their
votes. But the fact that they couldn't do that does not give
them the right not to recognize the government
well,
they can still say that they don't recognize the government
because we'd still have a government elected by the majority.
So their disapproval of the government would be as if they
voted for the opposition
. that's the way I'd look at
it. Now, don't let us start talking about what penalty we'd
want to impose [on the government] before there's a crime
for the penalty. The effort that we should be making is to
try to find a way by which Liberians living abroad can exercise
their franchise. This is where we should put most of our attention
that includes the possibility of facilitating the vote over
here and/or the possibility of finding a very inexpensive
way whereby Liberians can go home for that purpose.
HARRIS: One last question
what in your view has
been the biggest accomplishment of the government that you're
currently serving?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Well, I think to the extend of which the Interim
Government is up to date in implementing the Accra Peace Accord,
they've established reasonable peace and stability in the
sense that we've stopped killing each other, we've stopped
shooting, people are returning to their places of origin in
peace
. I think that's a remarkable success. The other
thing is the extend to which the international community and
UNMIL in particular has been able to disarm over a hundred
thousand ex- combatants
. that's another mark of success.
But there are still a lot of challenges
. one of them
we've just discussed - the possibility of holding a free and
fair election. That's a major, major challenge
. and
then another challenge is to get the former combatants fully
reintegrated into society and the fabric of our economic life
so that we can get the economy moving so that people can begin
to improve their standard of living, provide education for
their children, health for the sick and earn a decent income.
We'd love to see that happen. That's a major challenge as
well.
HARRIS: Mr. Ambassador, please permit me to ask a follow
up question. You seem to be giving the Interim Government
a lot of credit for the present stability and peace in the
country. My question is, do you think that they'd accomplish
this without UN forces being on the ground? Or better yet,
don't you think that the credit should be going to the UN,
the international community, etc? Do you really think that
the government would have accomplished anything independently?
AMBASSADOR
MINOR: Well, I don't see how it's possible to conceive
that a group of people could've established any kind of peace
when there were more than a hundred thousand people with arms
when they didn't have it
so, the fact that the international
community supported the Transitional Government, and have
been able to put in place the UN largest peacekeeping forces
[in any part of the world] is a very positive thing. If they
[the international community] did not have confidence in the
government that they had helped to create, then that wouldn't
have happened. And so, you can't look at it as a negative
thing.
HARRIS:
That's why I keep asking
then shouldn't the credit
be going to the international community instead?
AMBASSADOR MINOR: Yes, but you just asked me what has
been accomplished Now, it's very true that if the international
community was not supportive of the interim government, then
we couldn't have accomplished what we have
The interim
government works with the international community and I'm
telling you that the international community was supportive
that's why we've been able to accomplish that...if you again
look at the plan for two years that was put together by the
Interim Government, it called for the DDRR (disarmament, rehabilitation,
etc,) so in effect it is their [the Interim Government's]
plan that the international community is working towards..
So, you can't say that the Interim Government is separate
from the international community because they're all working
together to accomplish the same objectives.
HARRIS:
Well, thanks very much Mr. Ambassador for allowing me some
of your time.
AMBASSADOR MINOR: I'm very pleased that we could have
the time to chat. I also thank you for the work that you're
doing in the media and I hope that we'd have a very active
media focusing on our country, talking about the issues that
we currently face and get our people committed to doing something.
I hope that we'll have the opportunity to talk to you again
about some of the things that we're doing or would like to
see happen, for example, finding ways by which Liberians in
this country can support the complete restructuring of our
country. Not just in the political realm, but also in the
economic and social fields, like education and a variety of
other areas that we look forward to getting our people involved
with.
DISENFRANCHISING
LIBERIANS - THE 2005 VOTE
By: James
W. Harris
Not
too long from now or within just about eight months Liberians
will be going back to the polls hopefully to elect another
government. But as promising as this may seem to some people,
it's very unfortunate that Liberians who are currently residing
abroad, many of them forced out of the country because of
the various brutal wars that once raged there, will not be
allowed to participate in the exercise.
According to the very influential Chairlady of the National
Elections Commission in the now run-down capital city of Monrovia.
Cllr. Frances Johnson-Morris, "There will be no polling
outside of Liberia and we are sorry that refugees who are
not repatriated before or during voter registration, will
not be allowed to vote [either] in camps", IRIN [the
UN Integrated Regional Information Networks] quoted her as
saying on February 7 ("Elections Set for 11 October",
IRIN\allAfrica.com).
And
strangely also, she didn't even bother to say why her commission
was taking such a harsh and unreasonable stand at this particular
time against Liberians whose basic rights to vote is "supposed"
to be guaranteed by the nation's constitution that's been
so often ignored or just simply taken for granted.
Honestly,
if such a remark came from someone who didn't know better,
I certainly won't be as puzzled as I presently am. But because
it came from someone like Cllr. Johnson-Morris, who too can
be credited for speaking out forcefully against the injustices
so rife in our now war-destroyed country in the immediate
past, makes it even more troubling to me.
In these historical times when many nations around the globe
are apparently embracing "democracy" - encouraging
their peoples to vote at least no matter where they are -
it's very disheartening that Liberia's NEC, on the other hand,
is determined seriously to disenfranchise a major segment
of the country's population, which, in fact, has been the
main group of citizens to sustain their country economically
and otherwise when everything else failed.
The
numerous Western Union transfers and other financial arrangements
that the country has benefited from in the last 15 years or
so immediately come to mind, not to mention the many demonstrations
that were held in Washington, DC and other places in the US
to draw world-wide attention to the horrendous situation obtaining
in Liberia.
Moreover,
with all the talk and rhetoric about "freedom" and
"democracy" these days, of which elections is 'supposed'
to be a key part, I just don't see why the NEC feels it so
compelling to deny Liberians in the Diaspora their legitimate
rights to vote - something that should be "non-negotiable".
But I guess the commission is convinced thoroughly that it
can get away with it given the well-known reputation of Liberians
to be highly complacent about something as serious as this.
If this wasn't the case, then Cllr. Johnson-Morris and her
so-called NEC would've thought twice or even three times before
reaching such unwise decision which could possibly make the
upcoming elections in fact illegitimate if Liberians who were
denied their God-given and Constitutional rights to vote decided
not to recognize any government [authority] coming out of
such a flawed process. And no one should blame them for that
either if this should ever happen in the foreseeable future.
But
again, knowing Liberians, I can bet that they'll just sit
quietly on the sidelines, while the elections take place without
their full participation. And you know what, they'll diligently
recognize that government without rightfully challenging the
process.
Like in the case of the census issue, many Liberians, both
at home and abroad, supported the NEC and their foreign backers
in the majority to go ahead with the elections without taking
one. Much to their satisfaction, the deal went through with
pressure clearly coming from the outside. But now comes the
voting issue and I just can't wait to see how Liberians living
abroad will react to this one if the commission does indeed
insist that no Liberian presently living abroad would be allowed
to vote in the ensuing elections.
Although
I personally would have rather a full census to have been
taken prior to holding the upcoming elections as the Liberian
Constitution 'clearly' provides, I, however, did understand
why that idea had been rejected outright by most Liberians
and their international sponsors, Believe me, I definitely
could understand most especially the time factor involved
in compiling such a census, but not necessarily the lack of
financial resources as another reason that the NEC and some
others were giving.
Unlike the census issue, though, I seriously think that the
right of every Liberian to vote in the scheduled elections,
regardless of wherever they are, should be a non-issue, unless
"credibility and legitimacy" are not twin goals
of the NEC's efforts. Because, how else could the forthcoming
elections be "credible and legitimate" if the NEC
is denying eligible Liberian voters their right to participate
in the process? Can someone on the NEC please explain this
to me!
And
folks, please don't tell me that Liberia doesn't have the
money to make it possible for every Liberian to vote, most
especially, if they're qualified to do so. Because, frankly,
if our so-called government can spend hundreds of thousands
of dollars on ridiculously expensive 'armored' vehicles for
Chairman Bryant's personal security, in addition to millions
more being wasted on fruitless foreign travels that seldom
yield any good result, then it certainly can find the necessary
means to ensure the "legitimacy" of the October
elections by making it all-inclusive.
Very
often, instead of striving to do the correct thing for Liberia,
something that future generations could build upon tomorrow,
those that are presently entrusted to put our country back
on track appear to be determined in doing the complete opposite.
Vexingly also, they seem to be doing everything in their power
not to make things right in our now war-weary nation, shamelessly
blaming others instead, for supposedly standing in the way.
Not
too long ago, we saw the once war-torn country of Afghanistan
hold what was believed to be its most important elections
ever. But instead of trying to keep their foreign-based nationals
away from the polls, something they could've easily done,
they actually encouraged them to vote in foreign countries
where they had settled down, at least, temporarily.
In the latest example, the Iraqis too held their elections
recently. And again, as opposed to preventing their nationals
who are presently living abroad from voting, they made every
effort to ensure that all Iraqis, whether in their home country
or not, participated in what was billed as the first ever
"free and fair" elections in their now war-crippled
nation.
And
of course, there are other nations that don't immediately
come to my mind, but they too have held "inclusive"
elections with due assistance from some of the same groups
that are currently involved with the NEC in preparing for
ours. The question then becomes - why is it that Cllr. Johnson-Morris
and her commission don't want Liberian citizens living abroad
to vote in the upcoming elections? The obvious answer is that
they're afraid - afraid in the sense that Liberians living
abroad are a much more sophisticated bunch.
But
Cllr. Frances Johnson-Morris and her commission should've
realized by now that Liberians living in the Diaspora constitute
a very powerful voting block. Why in fact do they think that
Liberians who are presently living abroad, especially in the
US, Canada and Europe, are courted so very often by the country's
'wannabe' presidential candidates who in recent years have
spent a lot of their time holding town hall-like meetings
as well as other functions in the various places?
Just in case the Chairlady and her fellow commissioners still
don't get it, then let me put it this way - they need the
support [financial and otherwise] of Liberians living abroad,
many of them eligible voters by the way. That's why!
They (Cllr. Johnson-Morris and her NEC) know very well that
if they allow Liberians in the Diaspora to vote, they'd be
casting their votes [hopefully] as citizens that are well
informed about issues pertaining to their country and aware
of the leadership crisis facing Liberia today. This stands
in sharp contrast to what is expected to happen in our now
war-ruined country if Liberians living abroad are excluded
from the upcoming elections.
As
before, Liberians on the ground would vote for almost anyone
who can provide them with, say, a bag of rice, 'sweet talk'
or a dollar or two. Of course, without fully comprehending
the severe consequences of their collective action. But realistically,
who could blame them considering the high level of illiteracy
coupled with mass poverty currently prevalent in the country.
Unquestionably, Liberians residing abroad are the most educated
[or they supposed to be], most affluent, and best of all,
in a much better position to lend their support to their nation's
overall recovery. But I'm not sure if many of them would feel
sufficiently obliged to help if they felt that their right
to vote had been wrongly denied.
Also,
let's not forget that the deliberate disenfranchisement of
many Liberians from the political process on the part of previous
administrations has been one of the biggest historical wrongs
in our society to date. And by attempting to deny Liberians
their rights to vote again this time around, the NEC in many
ways seems to be following that trend, which, to me, is ill
advised.
In this regard, I surely hope that the NEC gives this issue
a second thought - and wisely too! Doing otherwise would only
be making the 2005 elections "illegitimate" before
it even gets off the ground. Furthermore, disenfranchising
so many Liberians really isn't in the best interest of our
nation that's already susceptible to conflict.
Therefore,
it's about time that we sober up and do the right thing for
Liberia as opposed to continuing with the same-old divisive
practices of the status quo!
And
Now The Main Event
By: James W. Harris
At last, the census issue with regards to the forthcoming
elections in war-torn Liberia has finally been put to rest.
Therefore, Liberians should now prepare themselves (just in
case they haven't done so already) to witness one of the most
exciting elections ever in the failed West African state's
history. Or at least, that's what some people are saying.
With
both the NTLA and the NTGL approving the so-called Elections
Reform Bill, never mind the threats and pressure from outside
as well as the strong determination of a few shortsighted
Liberians to stick to the status quo, the issue of conducting
a census prior to the pending elections obviously is now a
dead case.
Even
in the little poll that was conducted recently by TLCAfrica.com,
234 out of about 320 Liberians that participated in it (including
me, of course) responded NO when asked the question: "Should
Liberia conduct a census before the October 2005 Scheduled
Election". And honestly, I have no problem with the result,
except that I was very, very disappointed in the small number
of Liberians who chose to actually participate in such a useful
exercise. But knowing Liberians as I do, such things really
don't interest them.
Also,
what I like the most about TLC Africa's little poll was how
they had included a section where Liberians could spill their
guts (so to speak) on the issue under review. That was really
good, wasn't it! Providing such a space made it quite possible
for every Liberian, regardless of their present station in
life, and serious about the ultimate destiny of their now
sick country, to freely and openly express their views and
opinions about events presently occurring in their homeland.
And
so, let's just assume that the 234 persons or roughly 73%
of those who participated in the poll do represent the view
of the majority of Liberians. Naturally, what follows next
should hopefully be a massive effort, especially on the part
of the so-called NEC to prepare the war-wrecked country for
the impatiently awaited big event - the elections itself.
According to some people, these elections should definitely
resolve all of Liberia's chronic problems, including, the
nagging problem of mass poverty amongst our people. Or, so
they think!
The same old diehard opportunists who incidentally run our
country today said the same thing in 1997 - that the solution
to Liberia's problems lie in holding elections - when they
called for another one to resolve the nation's numerous "structural"
problems, thereby, giving some legitimacy to the morally and
ethically bankrupt government of the now disgraced former
president, Charles Taylor. Sadly, in a rather strange twist
of fate, Liberians today find their now war-ruined nation
again being ruled by some of the same old losers who 'willingly'
collaborated with the tyrannical Taylor regime.
But first, we'll have to wait and see how fast the $17.5 million
that the NEC says it wants to conduct the elections will come
in. At least, there's no more reason for the international
community, including, the US, to withhold much needed funds
from the destroyed nation as their representatives had threatened
if the so-called Elections Reform Bill had not been passed
speedily by the dysfunctional NTLA.
Now,
if the Gyude Bryant interim administration is anything to
go by in terms of the kind of change that Liberians hopefully
desire, then they may as well brace themselves for the long
haul, as they'll continue to wallop in abject poverty and
endless mystery. If they (Liberians) are so naïve to
the extend that they truly believe that the same old failed
politicians and so-called civil leaders, who by and large
are partially responsible for their present mysteries, can
save them from their ongoing nightmare, then they ought to
think again.
Very
soon, anyone who wants to be "somebody" in the now
war-ravaged nation would be given the chance as well as a
lifetime opportunity to fulfill his or her lifelong dream.
Shortly, the NEC will send the appropriate signal for campaigning
to begin and every would-be candidate will hopefully be given
the opportunity to go after any public office he or she may
desire (yet may not necessarily be qualified for), including,
the all-powerful Liberian Presidency or a prominent seat in
the much despised toothless Legislature.
But
I must forewarn all our would-be national leaders that the
Liberian people are generally getting tired, wary and very
impatient. If there's any misunderstanding as to how much
the patience of our severely impoverished people seem to be
running out, then those who believe that Liberians will be
tolerant forever should consider very, very seriously two
separate incidents that occurred just recently in Monrovia.
The first incident happened in a Monrovia slump area called
Waterside where Chairman Bryant, feeling a false sense of
security, is said to have gone to launch a campaign to clean
up the area. It was during that time that the Chairman decided
apparently to do a little shopping.
Not
too long after, the raw reality of life in Liberia nowadays
hit the Chairman very hard as struggling Liberians, angered
by their own sorrowful plight in sharp contrast to their supposed
leaders who are living the "life of the rich and famous",
began to jeer at Bryant, fearlessly calling him "rogue,
rogue; thief, thief; rogue, rogue" at one point in reference
to alleged corruption that's wildly believed to be continuing
unabated in his (Bryant's) administration - something that
has been acknowledged even in the latest UN report (please
see - "Liberia: UN Extends Arms and Timber Sanctions
Until After 2005 Elections", IRIN/allAfrica.com, December
22, 2004).
Reported
the Monrovia-based Analyst newspaper: "Had Transitional
Chairman Bryant known, Saturday, December 11, that taking
[the] time off his official hours to shop down [the] Waterside
would have spelled a disgrace and outright detestation against
him, [then] he would have remained at his Executive Mansion
office or in the comfort of his home", apparently quoting
an eyewitness.
Further, the paper quoted another eyewitness in the same story
headlined "Bryant Tests Popularity Rating" (The
Analyst, Monday, 13 December 2004) as saying that: "I
[really] couldn't believe it. I saw the crowd booing the Chairman
as if he were one of those warlords who [had] put guns in
the hands of our children to kill us." Sad commentary,
eh, isn't it! I mean, when a country (not to mention failed
Liberia) reaches a point where its leader (s) can't venture
near his own people even with tight security, then it should
be clear as daylight that something serious indeed is wrong
with that society. Now, whether or not we'd want to continue
ignoring or denying it is a completely different matter!
"He
knows that he is not a good leader so why must he come among
the suffering people at this [particular] time?", asked
one bystander who had witnessed the ugly incident. Isn't this
a good case of a supposed leader being completely out of touch
with his own people? It looks like that to me!
The second incident which should make any wannabe Liberian
leader think twice before seeking any public office in the
country today is the one that involved the controversial Speaker
of the NTLA, George Dweh (and yes, he's the Liberian people's
Speaker because they "supposedly" put him there),
and students reportedly from the state-sponsored, Monrovia
Consolidated School System (MCSS).
According
to various news reports, the so-called House Speaker Dweh
was on his way to work at the Capitol Building in the heart
of the run-down city of Monrovia on the morning of December
14, when he found himself in the midst of some very angry
students who were protesting in support of their otherwise
dedicated teachers who had not been paid for months or even
years by some accounts by this interim government and the
ruthless one before it - the notorious National Patriotic
Party government.
"We will not let him go. These are the [same] people
who are eating our money and using it to buy big, big cars
[amidst grinding poverty]. They [meaning the entire so-called
interim government] refused to pay our teachers but they prefer
to look after themselves and [send] their children [and girlfriends]
abroad and [put them] in private schools", the Analyst
also reported in an article captioned "Drama At Monrovia
Port" (The Analyst, Tuesday, 14 December 2004).
The
paper further quoted the students as saying that: "If
we don't get anything out of [Speaker] Dweh, [then] he will
not leave from here today. We all will march to town so that
he will see what it means to suffer."
In both cases that I've just mentioned above, neither the
Interim Chairman, Bryant or NTLA Speaker, Dweh, would probably
have made it out of their respective situations unharmed by
the angry crowds [who have every right to be mad by the way]
were it not for the UNMIL soldiers that are presently on the
ground. Thanks to some of us who have always called for the
total involvement of the UN in resolving the Liberian mess
as opposed to those who, as usual, prefer the same old ECOWAS
plan. Vexingly, these are the same old folks who are now taking
credit for the little peace and stability that the country
is currently enjoying today. But that's how professional opportunists
typically behave.
Of
course, I certainly have my own beef to grind with the ECOWAS,
but most of all, I just don't think that Africans are yet
ready to resolve their problems all by themselves, although
I must admit that I greatly admire men like South African
President, Nelson Mandela and President Abdoulaye Wade of
Senegal, amongst a few other genuine African patriots for
their concerted efforts in trying to find lasting solutions
to the continent's many problems - a good number of them man-made.
Yet
the fact shouldn't escape any of us that UNMIL will not be
in Liberia forever. At some point in the future, Liberians
will have to be left all by themselves. And at that time,
what would our so-called leaders do when UNMIL security personnel
no longer can protect them? Perhaps, they'll then go right
ahead and form their own private militias like in other failed
African states. To give you a better picture, just imagine
if UNMIL were to pull out of Liberia abruptly right now -
at this very moment. You know what would happen right? Our
already collapsed nation will definitely descend further into
chaos.
Therefore,
the only reason why many Liberians have this false sense of
peace and stability being in Liberia is because of the visible
presence of UNMIL on the ground and not necessarily because
things are going on so well today in the country. With UNMIL
on the ground, I'm almost convinced that any Liberian could
do Chairman Bryant's job. And so, let's not base our hopes
and aspirations for Liberia on false premises - false starts.
While
the so-called NEC, NTGL and all their local and international
friends will surely bask in their newly won victory of passing
the so-called Elections Reform Bill successfully, they should
not underestimate the will and determination of the Liberian
people to take their destiny into their own hands at any time.
Just
in case the Bryant and Dweh incidents haven't yet unraveled
you and you still intend to seek public office in Liberia
in the immediate future, you may also want to follow the trend
in some counties there, for example, Bong and Grand Bassa,
where the local citizens in those places have totally rejected
administrators imposed on them by the so-called central government
in Monrovia, the NTGL. Citizens and residents in those counties
know exactly who they want as their leaders and would have
it no other way.
For
those Liberians who want to hold on to their old mindset believing
that our people can be fooled perpetually, they may want to
think soberly again or else they may just end up in a far
worse situation than that of Bryant's or Dweh's.
So far, only Cllr. Charles Walker Brumskine and former soccer
maestro, George Oppong Weah, seem to be popular with the Liberians
masses. But how long the Liberian people's love affair with
these two will last is anyone's guess. Again, it depends on
how they carry themselves or more importantly, who they surround
themselves with going forward, although on Cllr. Brumskine's
part, he still has to level with the people about his close
association with the wicked Taylor regime.
Although the majority of our people, who unfortunately are
now highly traumatized, are still illiterate - thanks to the
inhumane policies of successive administrations that have
kept them exactly that way on purpose - Liberians hopefully
would know a good leader when they see one come October 2005.
You
know, in conclusion, commissions just like people, should
always be careful about just what they wish for, because in
the end, they just may get what they want. In this particular
case, the NEC undoubtedly will get what it wants by going
ahead now (barring any other obstructions) to hold the pending
elections in Liberia. But after that, what's next? Will the
new government introduce new policies and/or practices that
would endear it to all Liberians or would it suffer the same
fate like Bryant's - estranged from the common people? That's
the looming question!
Let's
just hope that our future leaders (including, the present
'failed' bunch as well as the young ones that are coming after),
won't fall prey to angry Liberian mobs as the Chairman and
Speaker did. Of course, it would depend to a very large extend
on how that government conducts itself with respect to meeting
the people's basic needs.
Ultimately, when all is said and done, there's no doubt in
my mind that the Liberian people will have the last laugh.
Hopefully, the ensuing elections will be more then just a
popularity contest. Happy New Year Liberia and welcome to
democracy!!!
THUMBS
UP TO THE NTLA
. BUT WITH DEEP RESERVATIONS
By: James W. Harris
I must admit readily that like a few other Liberians, I certainly
disagree respectfully with the National Transitional Legislative
Assembly (NTLA) on many burning issues affecting our now war-wracked
country, including, the very way that it was put together.
I also don't like the way that the NTLA functions, serving
more or less as a complete rubber stamp to the all-powerful
Executive Branch of successive Liberian governments to the
sad detriment of our poverty-stricken people and overall progress
of the nation.
Notwithstanding
our differences about the ultimate destiny of our now demised
nation, I recently found myself agreeing with them on at least
one key issue, that is, the issue of taking a national census
prior to the 2005 elections as our constitution - the Liberian
Constitution - clearly stipulates. I must therefore take great
courage to highly commend those few members of the so-called
NTLA who have rejected the proposal by the National Elections
Commission (NEC) to suspend Article 80 (d) of the present
Liberian constitution which states specifically that constituencies
must be determined according to the result of a national census,
including, population census particularly before elections
take place.
But
regardless of just what may have driven them to take such
a bold stand, choosing instead to stick with the existing
constitutional provision regarding elections this time around
as opposed to relying only on voters' registration as the
NEC had proposed, it surely is a good sign of things yet to
come. It just could be that Liberia is now about ready to
turn the corner at last as far as upholding the law is concerned.
Whether
they acted to "slyly" extend their own time in office
as some professional pundits are saying or whether or not
they are acting stubbornly to show their disdain for the current
interim government of Gyude Bryant, I truly hope and pray
that they stick to their position as a way of compelling Liberians
to return to their written constitution as we seek ways to
resolve our bitter differences and move the sick country forward.
In like manner, I also hope and pray that we'd begin to return
to our constitution at last when it comes to resolving other
matters, like, governance, etc. In this way, we'll have a
better shot in the long run of reviving our now completely
collapsed nation based solely on the Laws of our land as enshrined
in the Liberian Constitution.
The
argument by some people that a national census couldn't be
conducted prior to the pending elections because it would
take a lot more time (at least three years as some are projecting)
as well as jeopardize the already shaky peace process in some
way is kind of having a defeatist attitude to me.
Frankly,
I really don't think that the NEC has made its best efforts
in seeking help from the international community when it comes
to the issue of census, simply because it has already made
up its mind that only a voters' registration was needed.
Honestly, I'd be naïve or stupid outright to think that
elections couldn't be held using mainly voters' registration,
because, of course, it has been and still can be done. But
shouldn't we at this very late stage be leaning more toward
doing things as much as we can based on the existing Liberian
Constitution rather than expediency? That's my main concern
as we move forward.
And what is this thing about returning the battered country
back to so-called "democratic rule' so hastily as if
we had ever practice it in Liberia? After all, what value
is there in a so-called "democratic government"
when such a government can not even feed its own people or
provide the minimum security for them? More significantly,
what good is a so-called "democratic government"
when such a government can't obey the constitution or uphold
the rule of law in the country? Think about this folks!
I
just don't know why Liberians generally like to take the short
cut when doing things regardless of how important those things
are. I mean, we've already wasted more than 14 long years
- years characterized mostly by wicked acts of brutality against
each other that's never before seen in our country. Yet again
some people want us to rush the process and hastily install
another so-called "democratic government" even at
the expense of putting our supposedly sacred constitution
aside once again. Such unbecoming attitude is typical of Liberians
as their unique handshake that usually makes a pop sound.
Folks, let me tell you up front one of the things that really
gets me fired up - when people that should know better by
virtue of their formal education or personal experiences in
the unending University of Life tend to make very crucial
decisions based on not what is correct but what is expedient.
Isn't it sad! By now I certainly thought that we would have
learned our lessons well by not abandoning our constitution
ever again, but apparently not.
As
Liberians, it seems like most of us have forgotten the popular
saying that goes something like this: "Short cut kills
deer", meaning that if you try to do something hastily
you'd more or less end up on the wrong side. So, why is all
this haste about seating another likely corrupt administration
that would possibly care less about the dismal plight of our
already suffering people as the ones before it? Is there something
that I'm missing when it comes to governance in Liberia? I
certainly hope so.
For all I care, it could take three years or even ten years
in order to conduct the relevant census in preparation for
the upcoming elections as long as the constitutional provisions
are met. This would in fact give our election process the
real legitimacy and credibility it desperately needs.
Understandably,
it seems like some people just can't wait to get rid of the
Gyude Bryant bunch because of various reasons, including,
alleged ongoing corruption, fiscal mis-management, the lack
of transparency and accountability, etc. Some people may even
want to get rid of him (Bryant) for personal reasons, like,
having the nation's coffers all to themselves.
But for whatever reason (s) they may have, we would all be
doing our nation a great favor by insisting that we adhere
to the constitution as much as we humanly can. This would
definitely be a good way to go forward.
For those Liberians that want to simply circumvent the constitution
just because they don't like Bryant now for whatever reason
after handpicking him in Ghana, I've got a suggestion which
I'm sure many of you would find to be very radical or even
unthinkable. Here it is. Since you can't stand the Gyude Bryant
administration any longer and it would take at least another
three years to get the census thing done, then let's replace
the present interim government at the end of its current term
with a group of Liberians consisting of our traditional elders,
religious leaders as well as other prominent citizens who
still have their integrity in tact. Won't that be something!
I'm thinking obviously on the line of a Loya Jirga, like,
in Afghanistan.
Oh,
before you start dismissing my 'little two cents' (to put
it in Liberian parlance), the latter group (prominent citizens
with integrity) that I mentioned above regarding the possible
make up of the next interim government, would be responsible
for the day-to-day running of the country until elections
are held at the end of the formal census period. These individuals
would be Liberians that the majority of our people trust and
have confidence in based on their past and present records.
If
Liberians were really serious about putting their country
once and for all on a solid path, they could also use this
interim period to put their house in order by demanding accountability
and transparency on the part of the new group. During this
period, we'd also want to ensure that whatever is now left
of our nation's much depleted resources are protected and
no new agreements or contracts be entered into regarding our
shared natural resources, such as, timber, iron ore and possibly
oil, among others, until a new government is seated based
on the elections results. It shouldn't be that difficult to
do, but we just must have the will.
But truthfully, I doubt seriously that my model for the next
interim government would be given much thought, in case we
decided to go down this route. You see, Liberians always talk
about change but seem to be hesitant to try something new.
To me, the group that I've just described would be more representative
of the Liberian "people" than anything that Liberia
has ever known. And yet our so-called "educated folks"
would resent such an idea, but still continue to use (or may
I say misuse) the name of our badly traumatized people in
vain.
When
senseless violence broke out just recently again in Monrovia,
guess who everyone, including, the international community
and the sitting government, called upon to quiet the storm
that had begun to rage? The answer is - members of the different
groups that I just named above. Did any of you notice? I know
that I did!
On
the one hand, Liberians often say that they're now tired of
wars. They also say that we should instantly forget about
all that have happened in our country for the past 15 years
or so. But on the other hand, they seem to be very determined
to hold on to the old system (the status quo) that have played
a major role in getting us into the mess that we find ourselves
in today. Well, folks, guess what
we definitely can't
'have our cake and eat it too' as Americans usually say. Therefore,
we either have to change for the good of our country or continue
to make the same old disastrous mistakes that'll take us nowhere.
Basically, that's the choice before us today!
Recently
as I read through an article titled "Trouble Hangs Over
Civil Rule" that was carried in the Monrovia based newspaper,
the Analyst, on 23 November, 2004, I just couldn't believe
some of the statements attributed to people like, Cllr. Frances
Johnson-Morris (a Liberian that I have very high regard for),
Conmany B. Wesseh and Dr. Charles Clark, amongst others.
I mean, for them to express their disappointment in the NTLA
for not adopting the so-called Electoral Reform Bill in its
original form as it had been submitted weeks earlier by the
NEC, and particularly for adding Article 80 (d) to the bill,
appear to me as Liberians who want to continue living in the
past when the constitution was shelved all the time to serve
specific purposes.
However, I'd like to take this time to appeal to them directly
to use their better judgment for the sake of our now crippled
nation and begin to refocus their attention on the possibility
of conducting a national census prior to the 2005 elections.
Believe me, I do understand how very difficult it is sometimes
for an individual or a group of individuals to break away
from past practices, but they should understand that the ultimate
fate of our nation is now at stake. And what would be a better
way to put it back on the right track than to move on forward
with a deliberate return to our constitution - a document
that each of us should be holding in sacred by now.
Furthermore, for some people to suggest that our traditional
friends and even the international community would abandon
us soon just because we want to do things correctly this time
around is nothing but absolute nonsense. I'm very confident
that we'll get all the help that we'd ever need to conduct
a meaningful census if we demonstrated how serious we were
about reviving our country based entirely on the rule of law.
If Liberia was abandoned now it clearly won't be because we
want to do the right thing, rather it'll be because we continue
to make the same sorry errors again and again. I mean, this
much is clear to me and should be to every Liberian.
As
for the suggestion that taking a census would compromise the
elections deadline as stipulated in the so-called Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA), I'd simply say that such a deadline
surely isn't written in stone that it can't be moved for very
good reasons - because it can. If anything, it's us Liberians
that don't have the guts to ask for exactly what we want,
thereby, leaving our destiny in the hands of others always!
When will we ever learn?
By preferring their version of the Bill (Electoral Reform),
Cllr. Johnson-Morris, Wesseh, and Dr. Clarke, amongst others,
seem to be forgetting what elections are all about. Well,
if they have, then I'd like to gladly remind them. Elections,
no matter where they're held, are about legitimacy and credibility
- nothing less.
Frankly,
they collectively have the power right now to do whatever
they want, like, conducting the 2005 elections using their
preferred method - voters' registration. But seriously, would
that make the ensuing elections more credible and legitimate
than if we actually were to take the time to carry out a census
prior to the expected 'big event' next year? Personally, I
don't think so. But again, who am I in the continuing game
of vampire politics in Liberia!
In
another part of the Analyst story that I had referenced earlier
in this article, the UN Special Representative in Liberia,
the ever popular Jacques P. Klein, was quoted as warning Liberians,
especially, members of the so-called NTLA [who had supported
the inclusion of Article 80 (d)] that: "Tempering (?)
with the proposed legislation (Electoral Reform Bill) would
undermine the credibility of the ensuing elections."
Again, such a warning by a very prominent figure in the ongoing
Liberian drama is very unfortunate.
Respectfully,
what is Ambassador Klein trying to say here in effect, that
'tampering' with the Constitution of the Republic of Liberia
(although the country admittedly has fallen to its knees)
is more desirable as compared to altering a certain portion
of a mere so-called Electoral Reform Bill? I sincerely hope
not. As for me, I'd always prefer the latter.
And for those who would want to stick forever with the status
quo by continuously by-passing the Constitution of Liberia,
all I'd say to them is get a life, please, and while you're
at it move completely out of the way for a change.
I'm
also greatly appalled at both the International Contact Group
on Liberia (ICGL) as well as the International Republican
Institute (IRI) for kind of threatening the Legislative body
in a way by saying that the refusal of the NTLA to not pass
the Bill "As Is" would more than likely undermine
the war-weary country's ongoing peace process that they're
presently supporting. [Please see "Compromised Electoral
Reform Bill Talks Deadlocked" and "Ratified Bill
Impedes Elections' Date", respectively, carried on November
25, 2004, again in the Analyst newspaper].
Contrary
to what both groups, namely, the ICGL and IRI believe along
with their allies, I don't think organizing elections haphazardly
or having a "quick fix" to Liberia's chronic problems
is in the best interest of our now war-ravaged nation. What
they should be doing instead is to make every efforts to see
at least how census could be conducted using the latest technology
if possible, instead of criticizing the NTLA for seemingly
standing on principle this time. After all, don't we usually
criticize them when they refuse to act on principle? We certainly
do.
But
in order to fully understand the main issue involved here,
I'd like to refer you to a brilliant article that was previously
written by the veteran Liberian lawyer, Cllr. Tiawan S. Gongloe
rather than just quoting directly from the so-called CPA.
I'm talking about the article, "Elections in Liberia
without Census Would Be Unconstitutional" (The Perspective,
May 20, 2004). His arguments are well in place and crystal
clear when it comes to this particular issue under discussion.
And
let me just mention here another key benefit that our job-starved
country could also reap from a major exercise like conducting
a national census at this time. Undeniably, it would provide
some much needed jobs for Liberians on the local market who
find themselves languishing hopelessly, even after attaining
some formal education from institutions, like the good-old
University of Liberia, Cuttington University College as well
as other universities and technical schools there. Additionally,
it would give those who may be fortunate to participate in
it a sense of worth. This would also make them feel as an
integral part of the nation-building process. Not to mention,
easing the pressing unemployment situation in the nation at
least temporarily.
Seriously, though, regardless of what happens next, the NTLA
has made history already in no small way by rejecting the
idea of carrying out the elections in 2005 without first conducting
a nation-wide census as the Liberian Constitution clearly
provides. Their action is now on record, if not for anything
else, for the sake of posterity.
In
closing, I'd like to remind Cllr. Johnson-Morris, Wesseh,
Dr, Clarke, the ICGL, the IRI and anyone else who cares to
listen that a brand new day is about dawning in Liberia where
our constitution will be taken more seriously than ever before.
Therefore, the days when a few Liberians and their international
supporters decided the fate of our entire nation behind tightly
closed doors without regards to the opinions of others and
the principles involved are just about over. That's why I'll
continue to call on Liberians wherever they are to be vigilant
and voice their concerns, particularly so, after all our so-called
leaders had failed the country miserably, leading to the carnage,
bitter tribal and ethnic divisions as well as the complete
collapse of our once relatively peaceful country just in the
last 15 years alone.
While
they just may have their way in the end on this one, I'll
make sure that they understand my position in this matter
as well as where I stand on other major issues concerning
our one country that's been destroyed totally by some of the
same failed individuals running it sadly today. The fight
for Liberia's future has just begun as far as I'm concern.
SEARCHING
WITHIN OUR OWN SOULS
By: James W. Harris
Once again, just this past week as the matter of fact, senseless
violence has reared its ugly head in our 'poor' country, Liberia,
particularly the bullet-scarred seaside capital city of Monrovia
and its adjourning suburbs.
At
a very crucial time like this when the international community
led by the United Nations (UN) is doing all that it possibly
can to help us resuscitate our collapsed country, it is absolutely
imperative that Liberians immediately refrain from doing anything
that could derail the ongoing peace process. After being totally
destroyed by a few conscienceless Liberians and their criminal
cohorts, Liberians should be more than grateful to the international
community for coming to their aid.
But
instead of showing our appreciation and gratitude to the international
community and working with them side-by-side to first stabilize
our country and then revive it, a few disgruntled Liberians
seem to be desperately bent on spoiling everything. To them,
violence is the only way to resolve any problem - a lesson
that they may have learned sadly from their warlord bosses
who in fact are responsible for our nation's total destruction.
To
the contrary, violence alone even if it can be justified,
cannot indeed resolve problems on its own. In most cases,
it exacerbates them instead. That's why Liberians will have
to learn to restrain themselves when dealing with each other,
as violence surely will take us nowhere.
While the "real" cause of the latest carnage in
the 'red light' district in the Paynesville area as well as
other parts of Monrovia is not yet known, I'd like to call
on the Gyude Bryant interim administration to set up a committee
preferably made up of our various religious leaders, traditional
elders and other prominent Liberians, to immediately look
into this very troublesome matter.
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