Briefing
Published
By: African
Analysis International
~ (A Research,Advocacy and Information Resource
Group)
Written
By: Ibrahim Bangoura And Nhinson
Williams
Senior
Research Associates,
Africa
Analysis International- AAI,
Field Service
Network,
Freetown,
Sierra Leone.
BRIEFING
NO: 0013. April
20, 2003
SIERRA
LEONE: THE PRE AND POST WAR OVERVIEW; A COMBINATION
OF TRAGEDY, THREAT AND INSECURITY.
After
a decade of one of the world most deadly civil wars
in Africa, which took away hundreds of lives, both
in the urban and rural regions of the country, post-
war Sierra Leone still faces imminent danger and glaring
national insecurity. This realistic threat has potentials
to wreck its democratization, and the support and
cooperation that the country has and continues to
receive in both its human and technical development
sectors.
There
are several underlying existing and evolving factors
that stand responsible for this very serious national
threat in what supposed to be post- war Sierra Leone.
This West Africa state ten years (1991-2001) bloody
and brutal civil conflict generated political witch-hunt,
social misery, economic disorder, judicial ineptitude,
and corruptible law enforcement tendencies. In addition
to these, the country is still under a serious threat
of a renewed blood bath.
PRE-WAR
PERIOD
The
Republic of Sierra Leone is one of the British colonies
in West Africa that obtained its independence in the
1960s. At independence, the country was ruled by the
Sierra Leone’s people’s party under the stewardship
of Sir. Milton Magai.
Sir
Milton was succeeded by his brother Albert Magai.
Both Milton and Albert had lineage and relevant social
ties with the Mendes and Sherbro speaking groups of
the Country’s east and southern regions.
Soon
after independence, the SLPP had urged the population
of the country for a one party state ideology; but
did not succeed in achieving same.
Internal
disunity within the SLPP, which drew its partisans
and loyalists largely from the Mendes and Shebros,
breaded a vital political vacuum at the national level.
Consequential of this national opening emerged an
alternative political perspective which derived its
strength from the country’s trade union movement and
affiliated civil society groups.
One of the workers’ unionists, Siaka Stevens,
eventually rose as the leader, and since the SLPP
focus was in the east and south, the APC chose to
put its energy and concentration to the northern region
of the country amongst the Temne, Limba, Mandingo
and Fula related speaking groups under the banner
of democracy and social change.
Both
the SLPP and APC divided the country’s political mechanics
on tribal and regional lines, even though each had
and still have connections in one another’s stronghold
in terms of partisan affiliation.
As
the country infancy political development unfolded,
the APC took over the realm of state power from the
SLPP, with Siaka Stevens as prime minister and later
on as president.
Stevens
who had earlier on opposed the idea of one party state
under the SLPP proposed and argued that the concept
of a one party state was a noble venture, and that
in fact, the SLPP meant well for the unity and progress
of the country with that notion.
So
in furtherance of the SLPP brilliant ideology, the
APC, which he, Stevens headed as leader and president
of the country, campaigned and intimidated opposing
views for the realization of a one party state under
the APC in the 1970s.
In
a bid for continuity in the APC’s rule of the country,
Stevens had to hand pick a military man and a northerner,
General Joseph Saidu Momoh, to succeed him at the
disatisfaction of key and forceful outstanding politicians
in the persons of his first vice president S.I. Koroma,
2nd vice president Francis Minah, who was
also Minister of Justice, Salia Jusu Sheriff, Thaimu
Bangura, amongst others.
With
such, the APC ruled the country over two decades.
Stevens’ hand picked successor, General Joseph Saidu
Momoh, then commander of the Sierra Leone’s Army,
worsened the country misery during his half decade
rule from 1984-1992.
Although
there was disorganized corruption and organized gangsterism
under Stevens’ rule, the situation under General Momoh
was quite the opposite.
Under
General Momoh and his period of the APC’s leadership
of Sierra Leone, corruption was very rampant, organized
and persistent at every level while political gangsterism
was disorganized but ruthless.
General
Momoh’s 1st vice president, Francis Minah
and others, became victims of the country political
pettiness and witch-hunt. Accused by the APC on allegation
of trying to topple the regime and kill President
Momoh, these men were set by the northerners in the
regime and killed.
Conditions
subsequent were unbearable for the Country’s population.
The economy was deplorable and weak as a result of
loot, mismanagement and bad governance. In view of
this, the quest for change surfaced and the need for
change became embelled in every sector of the country.
Opposing
groups (including the SLPP) and individuals to Momoh
and the APC regime in the country soon began galvanizing
options for the dethronement of the status quo. This
led to the facilitation of some exiled Sierra Leonean
nationals, including Foday Sankoh and others, into
Libyan and Qaddaffi’s sponsored rebels training camps
near Tripoli.
Outstanding
opposition figures both in and outside of Sierra Leone
then were in for a change of regime in the country
at all cost so that they too could participate in
the dividend of the aftermath political equation.
Obviously,
that became real after the NPRC’s rule. Current president
Ahmed Tejan Kabbah, Lawyer Solomon Berewa, Dr. Joe
Demby, Dr. Abass Bundu, Hon. John Kerefa Smart and
Chief Hinga Norman were all amongst a long list of
those who had this impulse and wished the change so
dearly.
The
usual predicament was the question of the most appropriate
and effective medium to use in obtaining this change.
This became an eventually unanswered dilemma for most
of them, especially those of them who had links to
the international community, current president Kabbah
inclusive.
Then
came the Libyan supported war in Liberia against an
internationally unaccepted regime. The Samuel Doe
government.
The
Liberian war spearheaded by an American Criminal Law
fugitive, Charles M. Taylor and his notorious but
brutal NPFL rebel group, nurtured the formation of
the deadly RUF rebel group in Sierra Leone.
Although
there were already dissidents for Sierra Leone, trained
and in readiness; the RUF as a full fledge rebel movement
was established in Liberia with the full knowledge,
participation and overriding logistical support of
the then NPFL rebels leader Charles Taylor, now president
of Liberia.
WAR
TIME PERIOD
The
RUF rebel group was established in Gbarnga, Bong County,
Liberia. The group launched its rebel attack on the
APC regime and people of Sierra Leone in
late 1991. From the onset of the RUF incursion
into Sierra Leone, there was an overwhelming empathy
and indirect solidarity from the silent Sierra Leonean
opposition and the largely Mende and Sherbo tribes,
respectively, for the rebel group.
The
SLPP then in the opposition at the time mounted serious
anti regime sentiments against the ruling APC governing
party which was and is still dominated by the Temnes,
Limbas and others from the north of the country.
As
the war raged on into the Eastern region of the country,
the RUF soon began inheriting a track record of mayhem
and destruction. The Easterners at the time had no
real dislikeness for the RUF as they did with the
APC regime under Momoh and his northern gang.
Coincidentally,
the APC regime was overthrown by a team of young soldiers
from the Sierra Leone Army, calling themselves the
National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) Government.
The NPRC military regime, though led by a young officer,
Captain Valentine Strasser, was influentially dominated
by easterners who were led by the late Captain Solomon
A.J Musa, and had officers like General Maada Bio,
Colonel Tom Nyumah and Colonel Kumba Mondeh, among
others.
The
activities of the NPRC regime was overwhelmed by irresponsibility
and latent human right violations which were largely
due to the youthful tenets and inexperience found
in the Council’s membership.
Nonetheless,
the NPRC government pursued the RUF defensively and
at least the war was contained from reaching the capital,
Freetown and other bigger city-towns like Kenema,
BO and Makeni.
The
regime of the NPRC marked the turning point in the
APC – SLPP agitation, and Sierra Leone’s Socio -political
and tribal alignment chaos.
Strasser
was overthrown by his immediate deputy, General Julius
Maada Bio, who had replaced sacked Captain Solomon
A.J. Musa. Bio’s coup was successful because of the
support of his fellow easterners in the Council.
General
Bio had based his take-over rationale on Stresser’s
desire to distort democratization in the country.
In the interim, politicians and intellectuals were
gearing up for active participation in a post-NPRC
democratic environment. The NPRC leadership under
Maada Bio conducted what many, including international
organizations, described as a “Free and Fair Multi
-Party Election”. The Election Commission was chaired
by Dr. James Jonah, a respectable Sierra Leonean diplomat
and former Under Secretary General of the United Nations
for Political Affairs.
The
SLPP candidate, Dr Ahmed Tejan Kabbah, won the Presidential
Elections, giving the SLPP the authority of state
control. Kabbah, a Mandingo and northerner by patrimony,
has a Mende mother from the east of the country. He
was selected by the SLPP in order to divide the vote
of the predominately APC north, since in fact, the
SLPP saw the APC as an uncompromising challenger in
the country.
President
Kabbah and the SLPP regime were dethroned by the Sierra
Leone Army in 1997 under the command of Major Johnny
Paul Koroma. Koroma and his SLA group called their
regime the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) which
popularly became known as AFRC Junta. The AFRC Junta
invited the RUF into the Government as well as some
key members, like the late Captain Solomon A.J. Musa,
of the defunct NPRC regime.
According
to the AFRC leader, Major Johnny Paul Koroma, the
idea was to conclude the war and end the suffering
of the civilian population throughout the country
as well as repartriate the country’s refugees.
Many
including the international community, particularly
ECOWAS, viewed the AFRC venture as anti democratic
and unconstitutional, since in fact the junta had
overthrown an elected and constitutional government.
ECOWAS
Peace Monitoring Group, ECOMOG and militia loyalists
of the SLPP launched attacks on the AFRC regime in
Freetown through combat activities.
President
Kabbah and most of his cabinet and other officials
were now refugees in Guinea and other West African
states. Despite their refugee’s status, the SLPP officials
were operating government in exile, with Dr. Kabbah
as both President and Minister Of Defence.
Kabbah
as President and Minister Of Defence had approved
the formation of the Kamajor militia, largely composed
of ethnic mende hunters, villagers and SLPP loyalists,
to fight restore his regime and democracy in Sierra
Leone.
In
order to give legitimacy to the Kamajors and allow
them obtain state and international funding indirectly,
the group was placed under the direct control of the
Country’s Ministry Of Defense, and the National Defence
Headquarters’ operations.
President
Kabbah and his vice president then, Dr. Joe Demby,
became fully responsible for the country military
operations against the brutal RUF rebels and AFRC
Junta. And they both received operational and tactical
briefings on the activities of the polarized and complex
military groupings, which included the Kamajor militia,
the South African mercenary group called the “Executive
Outcome” and the youthful “Special Forces” group which
had comprised exiled Liberian ex-combatants who fought
for Kabbah on hired basis.
In
the Ministry Of Defence, Chief Sam Hinga Norman, as
the then deputy Minister Of Defense took charge of
the country’s military activities on President Kabbah’s
instruction. The military operations at the Ministry
Of Defence during the Sierra Leone’s war involved
the administrative supervision of the Sierra Leone
Army, the Kamajors, the Special Forces and the Executive
Outcome’s relations.
At
the National Defence headquarters, President Kabbah
appointed General Maxwell Kobe, a Nigerian soldier
and commander of ECOMOG Task Force, as Chief Of Defence
Staff with jurisdiction over the Sierra Leone Army,
the Civil Defence Forces like the Kamajor militia,
the Executive outcome and Special Forces, which then
comprised of Liberian and Sierra Leonean youth.
Under
the Ministries of Finance and Defence, the SLPP government
allotted and spent millions of dollars on the Executive
Outcome and the Civil Defense Forces in cash and logistical
support. At the Ministry of Finance, President Kabbah
also instructed the then deputy Minister Of Finance,
Momoh Pujeh, to handle the budgetary activities of
the various militarized groupings which were pro SLPP
and his regime. Also, at the Ministry Of Defence,
President Kabbah employed and appointed Mustapha Lumeh
to supervise the logistical support of the Civil Defence
Forces.
President
Kabbah and the vice president, Dr. Joe Demby, had
regular military meetings with and received full briefings
from the senior operatives of the Civil Defence Forces
through his deputy Minister Of Defense, Hinga Norman
and his Chief of Defense staff, the late Gen. Maxwell
Kobe.
At
some point Kabbah and Demby ordered specific military
instructions based on briefings they received.
The
SLPP government paid the Executive Outcome. On the
contrary, the government did not pay the Kamajor militias
and the exiled Liberian ex-combatant who were seeking
refugee in Freetown as a result of the Liberian regime
witch-hunt against perceived enemies.
The
Liberian ex-combatants largely came from rival fractions
to the NPFL rebel group of Charles Taylor. They had
to escape Liberia after Taylor won the Liberian elections,
took over state power and started to witch hunt perceived
opposition.
Like
the Kamajor militia, the SLPP government provided
periodic feeding, medical care and other basic needs
for the Special Forces. In addition, the Special Forces
were provided housing by President kabbah at the Brookfields
Hotel complex. This was after ECOMOG and the Civil
Defence Forces had restore Kabbah and his regime back
in Freetown.
DISARMAMANT
AND THE PEACE PROCESS
Like
the RUF rebels, the Civil Defence Forces did not disarm,
de-mobilize and re- integrate in full. Both groupings
stored up arms and ammunition in their former strongholds.
These arms and ammunitions are stored in secret in
preparation for eventualities etc.
What
the internationally supported disarmament and Peace-
building process did in Sierra Leone was to influence
the cessation of physical combat activities throughout
the country as well as reduce the proliferation of
arms and halt the commission of human right abuses,
war crimes and crimes against humanity. But the cells
of destructions were not disbanded. They do exist
and can emerge anytime in any part of the country,
and this time the conditions could be far worst and
difficult to conclude.
Some
members of the RUF and Civil Defence Forces gave up
their arms and are making efforts to adjust in other
life situation other than combat activities. On the
other hand, many of the RUF and Kamajor fighters are
active in combat activities in neighboring Liberia
and the Ivory Coast where there are wars at the moment.
This is one of the reasons why Sierra Leone is still
under legitimate threat and faces national insecurity.
One
source interviewed at Lungi, Sierra Leone, indicated
that President Kabbah and the SLPP government acted
ungrateful to the membership of the Special Forces
after he Kabbah and his SLPP regime had “consolidated”
power and security control to some extent. The source
stated further that In an attempt to induce President
Taylor’s friendship and failed protection, President
Kabbah and the SLPP regime decided to reward the Liberian
dominated Special Forces’ youth, who had fought, wasted
blood and died for the regime, with harassment, arrests
and detention; threatening them with deportation etc.
In
view of this all, many of the Special Forces’ members
fled the country to other West African states and
do hold this mistreatment
against the SLPP regime.
In
essence, the Kabbah regime used the exiled Liberian
ex combatants in vain. The President, according to
our sources, opted to sweetie relations with Taylor
who supported the RUF rebels that ravaged the population
of Sierra Leone so much so that the country has inherited
one of the world’s worst social predicaments. Thousands
of people are amputated and others maimed throughout
the country.
ATTROCITIES
One
of the memorable things that characterized the Sierra
Leonean civil war is the level and degree of atrocities
committed by all sides in the conflict.
The
RUF committed unimaginable mayhem, mass murder and
calculated massacres. They introduced and practiced
the amputation and maiming of civilian body parts
as well as the burning of houses, raping of women
and infants and massive extra jusdicial executions.
This
became particularly rampant when the RUF and AFRC
Junta were retreating after being dislodged from power
and the capital, Freetown. For the RUF, their atrocities
were committed indiscriminately against civilians
and others. The AFRC Westside Boys later on became
no different from the RUF in everything until they
were disarmed at Juba Hill by the British soldiers
based in Freetown then.
The
Executive Outcome and the Special Forces focus in
most of their combat operations were on the RUF and
the AFRC remnants who had engaged them in battle.
Sources interviewed maintained that a number of human
rights abuses were committed by these groups against
civilians. This included harassment and intimidation
which were motivated by the greed for loot and pleasure.
In
addition, the Executive Outcome did illicit and disorganized
diamond mining. The Special Forces were complained
about on issue of occasional rape and raiding of properties
from civilians on periodic basis.
The
Kamajors militia committed liked atrocities too. But
at least theirs was not rampant and glaring against
the civilian population. However, the reality remains
that the Kamajors also killed civilians, mainly northerners
in the Kenema, Bo
and other regions of the country.
Information
from sources interviewed throughout the country and
in refugees camps in neighboring countries where there
are many Sierra Leonean eyewitness, says the Kamajors
beside fighting the RUF rebels, targeted supporters
and sympathizers of the elstwhile APC and AFRC regimes
which drew and continue to maintain support and loyalty
from the northern region of the country, particularly
amongst the Temnes, Limbas and Lokos.
These
became the victims, in actual fact, of most of the
atrocities the Kamajors militia committed against
civilians in the war.
Sources
interviewed by AAI’s researchers also mentioned that
in Freetown, the West Africa Peace Monitoring Group
(ECOMOG), did commit awful atrocities against the
civilian population, especially during the fall of
the AFRC Junta. Civilians were shot on site from one
place to another by some ECOMOG’s soldiers for what
the soldiers called “Collaboration” with the RUF/AFRC
Junta.
ECOMOG
soldiers’ atrocities were high around the Congo Cross,
Kingtom, Kissy and Hasting areas of Freetown. Although
some of the civilians killed by the ECOMOG soldiers
were sympathizers of either the AFRC or RUF; many
others were perceived as such and maligned by others
civilians. The situation increased the civilian atrocities
perpetrated by ECOMOG, particularly the Nigerian contingent.
At
a certain point in time, it was difficult to differentiate
the original Sierra Leone Army (SLA) from the RUF/AFRC
Junta. Particularly, when the AFRC was composed of
SLA’s ring leaders.
Of
course, it was from the SLA that a loyalist sect to
former AFRC leader, Johnny Paul Koroma, emerged.
The
sect or group known as Westside Boys eventually translated
their actions into rebel’s activities. Thus separating
them from the main stream SLA which was commanded
by the Nigerian General Maxwell Kobe in his then capacity
as Chief of Defence Staff of the Country Army.
The
SLA splitter group - Westside Boys - carried out mayhem
similar to that of the RUF rebels at a certain point
in time, mainly when they were forced to dwell up
the hills over Freetown in opposition to the Kabbah
government, ECOMOG and the SLPP.
Eventhough
the Westside Boys carried out indiscriminate killings
and torture of civilians, they obtained no glaring
record of maiming and amputating of civilians.
Maiming
and amputating of civilians were activities of the
brutal RUF rebels. The Kamajors militia, ECOMOG and
the Westside Boys have no such an opened track record,
at least so far as generic testimonies revealed. However,
these various groups harassed and inhumanely tortured
and killed civilians in some parts of the country,
too.
POST
“DISARMAMENT” AND ELECTIONS
After
the reaching of what was called a “ Peace Deal” by
all sides in the country conflict, the international
community facilitated a disarmament program that at
least halted the sound of guns and commission of widespread
atrocities and looting.
The
RUF under a new leadership transformed itself from
an official armed group to a political party; and
like other political parties in the country, had the
vital chance to participate in the country’s democratic
process through the just held elections of 2002 which
gave President Kabbah a second term of continuity.
The
Country’s post disarmament situation had looked forward
to a genuine national reconciliation process for the
healing of bad memories induced from the war throughout
the country. But this has not been the case, instead
an International Special Court assumes correctives
measures against those responsible for the commission
of crimes against humanity during the country’s decade
long war.
Many
sources interviewed in the country applauded the initiatives
of the United Nations in setting up the Special Court,
but say it is too untimely in view of the level of
disunity in the country and the general proliferation
of arms and insecurity in the Mano River Union basin.
Many,
including diplomats, in the sub region see the present
war situation in Liberia as a threatening and dangerous
reality to the establishment of real peace in Sierra
Leone. Particularly so when the U.N. Special Court
on Sierra Leone has put in place an indictment process
for some of the same figures who still have control
over militia that fought one another in the country
deadly civil war.
The issue, for example ,of Chief Hinga Norman,
raises a threatening concern.
A
few Kamajor’s fighters interviewed mentioned that
the SLPP regime and Kabbah in particular, do not want
the suffering of Sierra Leonean to end. They opined
that apart from
the SLPP government, President Kabbah and Vice President
Solomon Berewa befriending of Charles Taylor, who
also uses them; both men are using the
UN Special Court to get at their perceived
political rivals within the rank and file of the ruling
SLPP, and even in the country main opposition.
Some
say President Kabbah does not understand the political
chemistry and evolving intricate militarized situation
in the Mano River basin, because he is always a prime
beneficiary of its end result in political terms.
Many
also find it disheartening why President Kabbah should
befriend Taylor to the point of lobbying for him,
and assisting him with so-called intelligence information,
when this same Taylor is considered the prime engineer
of the regional calamity which has ruined Sierra Leone
and the entire Mano River Union terrain.
The
contradiction here is that, Taylor is the god father
of the RUF and a good patron for the jailed RUF leader,
Foday Sankoh. This same Taylor is a personal friend
and political security adviser to president Kabbah
ad even the SLPP regime at a higher level.
The
Kamajors feel betrayed by Kabbah and the leadership
of the SLPP. This is a big danger for the party and
the country because the Kamajors are the armed wing
of the very party. The question then is, what happens
when the international body reduces its miliatary
and security presence in Sierra Leone?
CONCLUSION
The
war in the Republic Of Sierra Leone is still very
far from being over. The country is basically under
threat; and this threat is and provides room for national
insecurity and regional social and economic distortion.
The
country is under a serious threat and is really unsecured
because the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration
process did not meet its aims and objectives.
There
are still arms hidden in the country and various stakeholders
in the war or conflict situation are to some extent
still maintaining cells of their movements. In addition,
many adherents and actors, key ones too, in the war
have left the country and are actively engaged in
combat activities in the West African sub region;
in Liberia and the Ivory Coast to be specific.
A
key element to the threat that Sierra Leone faces
is the situation of war in neighboring Liberia. Peace
and security in Sierra Leone at this moment is largely
contingent on the developments in Liberia and other
neighboring states.
Liberia
is the breeding ground for the West Africa regional
destabilization plan, and considering that Liberia
was and still hosts some elements that are the principal
actors in the war in Sierra Leone, the situation in
Sierra Leone remains threatening. More so, when the
country healing and national reconciliation process
is ineffective, and over shadowed by political manipulation,
witch-hunt and hypocrisy at the highest level of the
present regime, and in the opposition.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To
the international community:
1.
That the international community examines the
current activities, timing and operating location
of the UN Special Court on Sierra Leone;
2.
That the international community considers
peace and security in Sierra Leone in the context
of peace and security in the Mano River basin, particularly
by addressing the Liberian question; and
3.
That the international community fully supports
the national disarmament, demobilization and reintegration
program in Sierra Leone with the view that the program
will leave no storm unturn in achieving its objective.
To
the Sierra Leone Government:
1.
That the government calls for and supports
a national conference with all stakeholders to the
Sierra Leonean equation participating so as to sort
out and identify unresolved issues and matters that
threaten the country’s peace and national security;
2.
That the government and all political parties
and interests support the recently setup Truth and
Reconciliation process in sincerity and honesty; and;
3.
That the SLPP government engages the country’s
civil society groups for the promotion of national
unity and healing.
